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three

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Phonological changes

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Vowels

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Proto-Italic inherited all ten of the early post-Proto-Indo-European simple vowels (i.e. at a time when laryngeals had colored and often lengthened adjacent vowels and then disappeared in many circumstances): *i, *e, *a, *o, *u, *ī, *ē, *ā, *ō, *ū. It also inherited all of the post-PIE diphthongs except for *eu, which became *ou.

Proto-Italic and Old Latin had a stress accent on the first syllable of a word, and this caused steady reduction and eventual deletion of many short vowels in non-initial syllables while affecting initial syllables much less. Long vowels were largely unaffected in general except in final syllables, where they had a tendency to shorten.

Development of Proto-Italic vowels in Latin[1]
Initial Medial Final
Proto-Italic +r +l pinguis +labial (/p, b, f, m/) +v (/w/) +other +one consonant +cluster absolutely final
one consonant cluster s m, n other
i i e[a] i? ʏ (sonus medius)[b] u e > i[c] i[d] i e i e e
e e o > u[e] e[f]
a a o > u[g]
o o o > u[h] o[i] u
u u u[j] u[k]
ī ī i ī?
ē ē e ē?
ā ā a a, ā
ō ō o ō
ū ū u ū?
ei ī
ai ae ī
oi ū, oe ū ī
au au ū
ou ū

Notes:

  1. ^ Example: imberbis (from in + barba)
  2. ^ Examples: documentum, optimus, lacrima (also spelled docimentum, optumus, lacruma)
  3. ^ Examples: inficere (from in + facere), oppidum (from ob + pedum, borrowed from Gr. πέδον)
  4. ^ Example: invictus (from in + victus)
  5. ^ Examples: occultus (from ob + cel(a)tus), multus (from PIE *mel-)
  6. ^ Examples: exspectare (from ex + spectare), ineptus (from in + aptus), infectus (from in + factus)
  7. ^ Example: exsultare (from ex + saltare)
  8. ^ Example: cultus (participle of colō)
  9. ^ Example: adoptare (from ad + optare)
  10. ^ Example: exculpare (from ex + culpare)
  11. ^ Example: eruptus (from e + ruptus)

Note: For the following examples, it helps to keep in mind the normal correspondences between PIE and certain other languages:

Development of some Proto-Indo-European sounds in other languages
(post-)PIE Ancient Greek Sanskrit Gothic Old English Notes
*i i i i, aí /ɛ/ i
*e e a i, aí /ɛ/ e
*a a a a a
*o o a a a
*u u u u, aú /ɔ/ u, o
*ī ī ī ei /ī/ ī
*ē ē ā ē ā
*ā ā;
ē (Attic)		 ā ō ō
*ō ō ā ō ō
*ū ū ū ū ū
*ei ei ē ei /ī/ ī
*ai ai ē ái ā
*oi oi ē ái ā
*eu eu ō iu ēo
*au au ō áu ēa
*ou ou ō áu ēa
*p p p f; b f b in Gothic by Verner's law
*t t t þ; d þ/ð; d þ and ð are different graphs for the same sound; d in the Germanic languages by Verner's law
*ḱ k ś h; g h; g g in the Germanic languages by Verner's law
*k k; c (+ PIE e/i)
*kʷ p; t (+ e/i) ƕ /hʷ/; g, w, gw hw, h; g, w g, w, gw in the Germanic languages by Verner's law
*b b b p p
*d d d t t
*ǵ g j k k
*g g; j (+ PIE e/i)
*gʷ b; d (+ i) q q, c
*bʰ ph; p bh; b b b Greek p, Sanskrit b before any aspirated consonant (Grassmann's law)
*dʰ th; t dh; d d d Greek t, Sanskrit d before any aspirated consonant
*ǵʰ kh; k h; j g g Greek k, Sanskrit j before any aspirated consonant
*gʰ gh; g
h; j (+ PIE e/i)		 Greek k, Sanskrit g, j before any aspirated consonant
*gʷʰ ph; p
th; t (+ e/i)		 b (word-initially);
g, w, gw		 b (word-initially);
g, w		 Greek p, t, Sanskrit g, j before any aspirated consonant
*s h (word-initially); s, - s, ṣ s; z s; r r, z in Germanic by Verner's law; Sanskrit ṣ by Ruki sound law
*y h, z (word-initially); - y j /j/ g(e) /j/
*w - v w w

Monophthongs

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Initial syllables
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In initial syllables, Latin generally preserves all of the simple vowels of Proto-Italic (see above):[2]

Short vowel changes in initial syllables:[3]

  1. *e > i before [ŋ] (spelled n before a velar, or g before n):
    • PIE *deḱnós > *degnos > dignus "worthy"
    • PIE *dn̥ǵʰwéh₂s > *denɣwā > Old Latin dingua > lingua "tongue" (l- from lingō "to lick")
  2. *swe- > so-:[4]
    • *swepnos > *suopnos > *sopnos > somnus "sleep"
    • *sweðalis > suodalis > sodalis “comrade”
  3. *we- > wo-, later followed by wo- > we- except before labial consonants or velarized l [ɫ] (l pinguis; i.e. an l not followed by i, ī or l):[4]
    • *welō > volō “I want” (vs. velim “I would want”)
    • *wemō "> vomō “I vomit”
    • westeros > voster > vester “your, of you (pl)”

There are numerous examples where PIE *o appears to result in Latin a instead of expected o, mostly next to labial or labializing consonants. A group of cases showing *-ow- > *-aw- > -av- (before stress), *-ōw- > *-āw- > -āv- is known as Thurneysen-Havet's law:[5] examples include:

Other cases remain more disputed, such as:

De Vaan suggests a general shift *o > a in open syllables when preceded by any of *b, *m; *kʷ, *w; *l.[6] Vine (2011)[7] disputes the cases with *moCV, but proposes inversely that *mo- > ma- when followed by r plus a velar (k or g).

Medial syllables
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In non-initial syllables, there was more vowel reduction of short vowels. The most extreme case occurs with short vowels in medial syllables (i.e. short vowels in a syllable that is neither the first nor the last), where all five vowels usually merge into a single vowel:

1. They merge into e before r (sometimes original o is unaffected)[8]

2. They become Old Latin o > u before l pinguis, i.e., an l not followed by i, ī, or l:[8]

3. But they remain o before l pinguis when immediately following a vowel:[9]

4. Before /w/ the result is always u, in which case the /w/ is not written:[9]

5. They become i before one consonant other than r or l pinguis:[8]

6. But they sometimes become e before one consonant other than r or l pinguis, when immediately following a vowel:[10]

7. Variation between i and (often earlier) u is common before a single labial consonant (p, b, f, m), underlyingly the sonus medius vowel:

Medially before two consonants, when the first is not r or l pinguis, the vowels do not merge to the same degree:

1. Original a, e and u merge into e:[8]

2. But original i is unaffected:[8]

3. And original o raises to u:[9]

Syncope
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Exon's Law dictates that if there are two light medial syllables in a row (schematically, σσ̆σ̆σ, where σ = syllable and σ̆ = light syllable, where "light" means a short vowel followed by only a single consonant), the first syllable syncopates (i.e. the vowel is deleted):[12]

Syncopation tends to occur after r and l in all non-initial syllables, sometimes even in initial syllables.[13]

Sometimes early syncope causes apparent violations of Exon's Law:

Syncope of -i- also occurred in -ndis, -ntis and -rtis.[13] -nts then became -ns with lengthening of the preceding vowel, while -rts was simplified to -rs without lengthening.

Final syllables
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In final syllables of polysyllabic words before a final consonant or cluster, short a, e, i merge into either e or i depending on the following consonant, and short o, u merge into u.

1. Short a, e, i merge into i before a single non-nasal consonant:[14]

2. Short a, e, i merge into e before a cluster or a single nasal consonant:[14]

3. Short o, u merge into u:

4. All short vowels apparently merge into -e in absolute final position.[14]

Long vowels in final syllables shorten before most consonants (but not final s), yielding apparent exceptions to the above rules:[15]

Absolutely final long vowels are apparently maintained with the exception of ā, which is shortened in the 1st declension nominative singular and the neuter plural ending (both < PIE *-eh₂) but maintained in the 1st conjugation 2nd sg. imperative (< PIE *-eh₂-yé).[15]

Diphthongs

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Initial syllables
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Proto-Italic maintained all PIE diphthongs except for the change *eu > *ou. The Proto-Italic diphthongs tend to remain into Old Latin but generally reduce to pure long vowels by Classical Latin.

1. PIE *ei > Old Latin ei > ẹ̄, a vowel higher than ē < PIE *ē. This then developed to ī normally, but to ē before v:

2. PIE (*h₂ei >) *ai > ae:

3. PIE *oi > Old Latin oi, oe > ū (occasionally preserved as oe):

4. PIE *eu, *ou > Proto-Italic *ou > Old Latin ou > ọ̄ (higher than ō < PIE *ō) > ū:[16]

5. PIE (*h₂eu >) *au > au:

Medial syllables
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All diphthongs in medial syllables become ī or ū.

1. (Post-)PIE *ei > ī, just as in initial syllables:[17]

2. Post-PIE *ai > Old Latin ei > ī:[17]

3. (Post-)PIE *oi > ū, just as in initial syllables:[17]

4. (Post-)PIE *eu, *ou > Proto-Italic *ou > ū, just as in initial syllables:[17]

5. Post-PIE *au > ū (rarely oe):[17]

Final syllables
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Mostly like medial syllables:

Different from medial syllables:

Syllabic resonants and laryngeals

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The PIE syllabic resonants *m̥, *n̥, *r̥, *l̥ generally become em, en, or, ol[n 4] (cf. Greek am/a, an/a, ar/ra, al/la; Germanic um, un, ur, ul; Sanskrit am/a, an/a, r̥, r̥; Lithuanian im̃, iñ, ir̃, il̃):

The laryngeals *h₁, *h₂, *h₃ appear in Latin as a[n 4] when between consonants, as in most languages (but Greek e/a/o respectively, Sanskrit i):

A sequence of syllabic resonant + laryngeal, when before a consonant, produced mā, nā, rā, lā (as also in Celtic, cf. Greek nē/nā/nō, rē/rā/rō, etc. depending on the laryngeal; Germanic um, un, ur, ul; Sanskrit ā, ā, īr/ūr, īr/ūr; Lithuanian ím, ín, ír, íl):

Consonants

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Aspirates

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The Indo-European voiced aspirates bʰ, dʰ, gʰ, gʷʰ, which were probably breathy voiced stops, first devoiced in initial position (fortition), then fricatized in all positions, producing pairs of voiceless/voiced fricatives in Proto-Italic: f ~ β, θ ~ ð, χ ~ ɣ, χʷ ~ ɣʷ respectively.[19] The fricatives were voiceless in initial position. However, between vowels and other voiced sounds, there are indications—in particular, their evolution in Latin—that the sounds were actually voiced. Likewise, Proto-Italic /s/ apparently had a voiced allophone [z] in the same position.

In all Italic languages, the word-initial voiceless fricatives f, θ, and χʷ all merged to f, whereas χ debuccalized to h (except before a liquid where it became g); thus, in Latin, the normal outcome of initial PIE bʰ, dʰ, gʰ, gʷʰ is f, f, h, f, respectively. Examples:[20]

Word-internal *-bʰ-, *-dʰ-, *-gʰ-, *-gʷʰ- evolved into Proto-Italic β, ð, ɣ, ɣʷ. In Osco-Umbrian, the same type of merger occurred as that affecting voiceless fricatives, with β, ð, and ɣʷ merging to β. In Latin, this did not happen, and instead the fricatives defricatized, giving b, d ~ b, g ~ h, g ~ v ~ gu.[21]

*-bʰ- is the simplest case, consistently becoming b.[22]

*-dʰ- usually becomes d,[23] but becomes b next to r or u, or before l.[24]

The development of *-gʰ- is twofold: *-gʰ- becomes h [ɦ] between vowels but g elsewhere:[21]

*-gʷʰ- has three outcomes, becoming gu after n, v between vowels, and g next to other consonants. All three variants are visible in the same root *snigʷʰ- "snow" (cf. Irish snigid "snows", Greek nípha):[25]

Other examples:

Labiovelars

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*gʷ has results much like non-initial *-gʷʰ-, becoming v /w/ in most circumstances, but gu after a nasal and g next to other consonants:[26]

*kʷ remains as qu before a vowel, but reduces to c /k/ before a consonant or next to a u:[27]

The sequence *p *kʷ assimilates to *kʷ *kʷ, an innovation shared with Celtic:

The sequences *ḱw, *ǵw, *ǵʰw develop identically to *kʷ, *gʷ, *gʷʰ:[28]

Other sequences

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Initial *dw- (attested in Old Latin as du-) becomes b-, thus compensating for the dearth of words beginning with *b in PIE:


S-rhotacism

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Indo-European s between vowels was first voiced to [z] in late Proto-Italic and became r in Latin and Umbrian, a change known as rhotacism. Early Old Latin documents still have s [z], and Cicero once remarked that a certain Papirius Crassus officially changed his name from Papisius in 339 b.c.,[29] indicating the approximate time of this change. This produces many alternations in Latin declension:

Other examples:

However, before another r, dissimilation occurred with sr [zr] becoming br (likely via an intermediate *ðr): [30]

Elision

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In groups of stop + /s/ before unvoiced consonants, the stop was lost: [31]

Syncopated words like dexter (<*deksiteros) were not effected by this change. Additionally, words beginning with ex- or prepositions like ob- frequently restored the stop.

/s/ was lost before voiced consonants, with compensatory lengthening: [32]

Clusters involving /s/ were also lost before voiced consonants, also with compensatory lengthening: [31]

Other

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/k/ became /g/ (possibly later then becoming [ŋn] before) /n/: [33]

Final /d/ began to be lost after long vowels in the late 3rd century BCE:[34]

Grammatical changes

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The dual is generally lost with only a few relics remaining.[35][36] [35][36]

The Instrumental case merges into the ablative case. [37] The old genitive singular,*-osjo, still attested in the Lapis Satricanus as popliosio valesiosio, is replaced by -ī[38] The locative merged into the ablative after the proto-italic period. It survives in a few adverbs.[37]

===Verbs An infinitive ending *-si is created. [39]

Notes

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  1. ^ Greek is ambiguously either < *gneh₃tós or *gn̥h₃tós
  2. ^ kʷi- > ti- is normal in Attic Greek; Thessalian Greek had kís while Cypro-Arcadian had sís.
  3. ^ l̥ > ol is normal in Proto-Italic.
  4. ^ a b These short vowels are then subject to the normal rules of vowel reduction in non-initial syllables.
  5. ^ Both "world" and "mountain" evolve out of the early association of oak trees with strength, cf. Latin robur = "oak" but also "strength"
  6. ^ PIE *dn̥ǵhwéh₂; -ǵʰw- not -gʷʰ- indicated by Old Church Slavonic języ-kŭ "tongue" < *n̥ǵhu-H-k- with loss of initial *d-; -gʷʰ- would yield /g/, not /z/.

references

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  1. ^ Sen, Ranjan (December 2012). "Reconstructing phonological change: duration and syllable structure in Latin vowel reduction". Phonology. 29 (3): 465–504. doi:10.1017/S0952675712000231. ISSN 0952-6757. S2CID 49337024.
  2. ^ sihler 1995, pp. 37–46.
  3. ^ sihler 1995, p. 39.
  4. ^ a b sihler 1995, p. 40-41.
  5. ^ Collinge, N. E. (1985). The Laws of Indo-European. John Benjamins. pp. 193–195. ISBN 90-272-3530-9.
  6. ^ de Vaan 2008, p. 8.
  7. ^ Vine, Brent (2011). "Initial *mo- in Latin and Italic". Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft (65): 261–286.
  8. ^ a b c d e sihler 1995, pp. 60–62.
  9. ^ a b c sihler 1995, p. 62.
  10. ^ sihler 1995, p. 63.
  11. ^ sihler 1995, pp. 63–64.
  12. ^ a b sihler 1995, p. 70.
  13. ^ a b sihler 1995, pp. 68–70.
  14. ^ a b c sihler 1995, pp. 65–67.
  15. ^ a b sihler 1995, pp. 78–79.
  16. ^ sihler 1995, p. 40.
  17. ^ a b c d e sihler 1995, p. 64.
  18. ^ a b c d e sihler 1995, p. 71.
  19. ^ James Clackson & Geoffrey Horrocks, The Blackwell History of the Latin Language (Oxford: Blackwell, 2007), 51-2.
  20. ^ sihler 1995, p. 139.
  21. ^ a b sihler 1995, pp. 139–141.
  22. ^ sihler 1995, p. 143.
  23. ^ sihler 1995, p. 149.
  24. ^ sihler 1995, pp. 148–149.
  25. ^ sihler 1995, pp. 162–164.
  26. ^ sihler 1995, p. 156.
  27. ^ sihler 1995, p. 156, 165.
  28. ^ sihler 1995, pp. 159–160.
  29. ^ Fortson, Benjamin W., Indo-European Language and Culture: An Introduction, p. 283
  30. ^ Sihler 1995, p. 214.
  31. ^ a b sihler 1995, p. 220.
  32. ^ Sihler 1995, p. 213.
  33. ^ Sihler 1995, p. 207.
  34. ^ Sihler 1995, p. 228.
  35. ^ a b Silvestri 1998, p. 332.
  36. ^ a b Meiser 2017, p. 752.
  37. ^ a b Sihler 1995, pp. 252–253.
  38. ^ Sihler 1995, pp. 259.
  39. ^ Sihler 1995, pp. 610.
  40. ^ Rix 2002, p. 2.
  41. ^ Rix 2002, pp. 2–3.
  42. ^ Rix 2002, p. 3.

sources

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vbef

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Oral vowels
Type Front Back
short long overl. short long overl.
Close i iː u uː
Mid e eː~ɛː ɔː
Open ɑ ɑː


First person pronouns[1]
First person Second person
Singular Plural Singular Plural
Nominative ik *wet
*wit1		 *þū *jūz
Accusative *mek
*mik1		 *unk *ūs *þek
*þik1		 *inkw *izwiz
Genitive *mīn *ūser *þīnaz *inkweraz *izweraz
Dative/instrumental mī *ūs *þiz *inkwiz *izwiz
Second person pronouns[1]
First person Second person
Singular Dual Plural Singular Dual Plural
Nominative ik *wet
*wit1		 *þū *jūz
  1. ^ a b Bremmer 2009, pp. 55–56.
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